Gulnara Bazhkenova, founder and former editor-in-chief of Orda.kz, has been sentenced to eight years in prison and banned from journalism for five years. Her case has become a symbol of the growing pressure on independent media in Kazakhstan.

Gulnara Bazhkenova, one of the best-known figures in Kazakhstan’s independent journalism, was sentenced to eight years in prison on August 18, 2026. The sentence was handed down by the Bostandyk District Court in Almaty at the end of proceedings that international press freedom organizations see as part of growing pressure on independent media in Kazakhstan. Bazhkenova’s prison sentence has been deferred for two years because she has a minor child, but she has also been banned for five years from engaging in activities related to journalism, media, blogging, public events, and other forms of public engagement. Bazhkenova has rejected all the charges and announced that she will appeal.
Founder and former editor-in-chief of Orda.kz, Bazhkenova helped build one of the country’s most widely followed independent media outlets. Orda has covered politics, corruption, and the activities of Kazakhstan’s institutions, developing over the years a critical voice within a media environment where independent journalism faces increasing difficulties. Bazhkenova’s case also comes just days before the August 23, 2026 parliamentary elections, a circumstance the Committee to Protect Journalists considers particularly concerning.
The legal case began long before the sentence was handed down. On December 1, 2025, armed officers searched Orda’s newsrooms in Astana and Almaty, as well as Bazhkenova’s home. At least five staff members were detained. According to CPJ, during the search of the Almaty newsroom, officers prevented lawyers from entering and did not present a search warrant. Bazhkenova was initially charged with the repeated and deliberate dissemination of information known to be false and was placed under house arrest.
The police action came after months of pressure against the journalist and her newsroom. CPJ documented cyberattacks, hacking attempts, threats of violence, and even false reports announcing Bazhkenova’s death. International organizations have pointed out that Kazakhstan’s legislation against the dissemination of “false information,” particularly Article 274 of the Criminal Code, is worded broadly enough to potentially be used against journalistic work. In April 2026, CPJ and other organizations specifically called on Kazakhstan to decriminalize Article 274, arguing that its broad wording makes it susceptible to abuse. Bazhkenova was listed among their cases of urgent concern.
As the investigation continued, however, the case expanded. Charges related to the dissemination of false information were joined by accusations of embezzlement and illegal business activity. The trial began on July 2, 2026. On August 18, Judge Elena Kvan found Bazhkenova guilty on all three sets of charges and sentenced her to eight years in prison. The journalist pleaded not guilty to all the charges against her.
The sentence contains an element that is particularly significant for freedom of expression. In addition to the prison term, Bazhkenova will be prohibited for five years from engaging in activities related to “media, journalism, blogging, public events, and other forms of public engagement,” as well as from holding certain managerial or financial positions in media organizations. The sentence therefore affects not only the journalist’s personal freedom: it explicitly restricts her ability to continue practicing her profession and participating in public life.
The prison sentence will not begin immediately. The court deferred its enforcement for two years because Bazhkenova has a minor child. According to Orda, however, the deferment may be revoked under certain circumstances, and Bazhkenova could be transferred to a medium-security correctional facility.
The defense has taken a clear position. Bazhkenova maintains that she is innocent and intends to appeal the verdict. During the months she spent under house arrest, her lawyer Murat Adam also argued that the restrictions imposed on the journalist prevented her from effectively defending both herself and her interests in the dispute over the ownership of Orda. The editorial case had, in fact, become intertwined with a complex corporate dispute concerning Bazhkenova’s stake in the outlet.




The Committee to Protect Journalists has described the sentence as “draconian.” Carlos Martínez de la Serna, CPJ’s Program Director, linked the case to a series of arrests and convictions that, according to the organization, demonstrate the authorities’ determination to silence independent media ahead of the parliamentary elections. The International Partnership for Human Rights has also condemned the sentence. Rachel Gasowski, the organization’s Regional Director, stressed that Bazhkenova’s case cannot be viewed in isolation, but should be considered alongside other recent proceedings against journalists covering sensitive issues in Kazakhstan.
Even before the sentence was handed down, CPJ and other international organizations had written to Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev calling for concrete measures to protect press freedom. Among their demands was the decriminalization of Article 274 on the deliberate dissemination of false information, precisely because its broad wording can lend itself to abuse. In the letter, the organizations explicitly identified Bazhkenova as one of the urgent cases and argued that the proceedings could constitute retaliation for her journalism and for Orda’s work more broadly.
Bazhkenova’s case belongs to a much broader global pattern in which detention and criminal prosecution are used to restrict journalism. In recent years, ChannelDraw has documented the faces and stories of journalists imprisoned around the world, showing how charges ranging from national security offenses to financial crimes can be used against reporters and independent newsrooms.
The conviction therefore has implications that go beyond Gulnara Bazhkenova’s personal fate. The issue is not simply whether a journalist violated specific provisions of the Criminal Code. It also concerns the mechanisms through which a state can progressively restrict the space in which independent journalism is able to operate. A law against “false information,” a police search, house arrest, criminal proceedings, and finally an explicit ban on practicing journalism can have consequences that extend far beyond a single newsroom.
Similar patterns can be seen elsewhere. In Hong Kong, the prosecution of Jimmy Lai has shown how criminal and national security legislation can transform independent journalism into a matter of state security. In Turkey, ChannelDraw has followed cases in which journalists have faced detention and prosecution amid the broader erosion of press freedom.
The Kazakhstan of Kassym-Jomart Tokayev therefore faces a fundamental question: how much space remains for journalism capable of investigating those in power, publishing uncomfortable information, and challenging official narratives? Press freedom organizations see Bazhkenova’s case as a sign of a broader deterioration. The fact that the sentence was handed down just days before the elections makes the case even more significant: it is precisely during an election campaign that access to independent information and the ability to subject those in power to public scrutiny become essential.
For Gulnara Bazhkenova, meanwhile, the legal battle is not over. She has announced that she will appeal. But even with the prison sentence deferred, the ruling has already produced a concrete result: a journalist who led one of Kazakhstan’s leading independent media outlets has been sentenced to eight years in prison and banned from practicing journalism for five years.
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